Born of a common struggle against Israel and nourished by common benefactors in Syria and Iran, Sunni and Shiite Hezbollah have long been natural allies despite their sectarian differences.
Even as Hamas gradually restores its relationship with Iran and Hezbollah, some of its officials still wave the Free Syrian Army (FSA) flag. “Hamas does not flirt nor does it plead with anyone,” said Haniyeh in a defiant speech last October. “It does not regret nor does it apologize for honorable , just to placate others. It does not feel that it is in the type of trouble necessitating that others be paid to save it from.” But in light of Assad’s strengthened hand in Syria, a proliferation of hostile al-Qaeda-linked forces in the Syrian opposition, and a narrowingregional pool of useful allies, realism may compel Hamas to agree to disagree with its allies in Lebanon and Iran.
Hezbollah is unlikely to abandon Assad anytime soon. Its concerns about anti-Shiite jihadists, or Takfiris, gaining influence in Lebanon, Iraq, and Syria naturally pit the Party of God against the Sunni-dominated Syrian rebellion — a dynamic that may be encouraged by an ongoing spate of car bombs and other jihadist attacks on Hezbollah strongholds in Lebanon. Even if Hezbollah quietly begins to reconsider its role in Syria, its patrons in Iran — with whom Hezbollah is much more intricately tied than Hamas — will lean hard on the Lebanese force to hold the line.