Tuesday, 12 November 2013

Kerry Stay Home

by Prof. Efraim Inbar 
BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 219,
November 10, 2013 

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: US Secretary of State John Kerry warned of a 
return to Palestinian violence and Israel’s isolation should peace talks fail. 
This is yet another reflection of the Obama administration’s inability to 
properly understand the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Israel has strong 
international backing and will not be isolated as Kerry indicates. The 
Palestinians know that a return to violence will only be met by a strong 
Israeli response. 

US Secretary of State John Kerry warned of a return to Palestinian violence 
and Israel’s isolation if the faltering peace talks between Israel and the 
Palestinians ultimately fail. This is a typical leftist Pavlovian response to the 
impasse in Israeli-Palestinian negotiations that is now over a decade old. Such 
thinking primarily reflects the frustration that the optimistic evaluations that 
the conflict can be ended quickly remain unfulfilled. Unfortunately, Kerry’s 
remarks tell the Palestinians to hold on to their maximalist positions. This 
reflects an inability to grasp the intricacies of protracted intractable ethnic 
conflict and a misguided American policy. 

There is definitely a possibility that the Palestinians, in particular the radical 
forces, will recur to violence. In reality these forces try to kill Israelis all the 
time, and a dearth of terrorist attacks in recent years can only be attributed to 
the work of the Israeli security forces. Yet the likelihood of massive organized 
violence by the Palestinian Authority (PA) is small. Rocking the boat 
endangers too many vested interests of the Palestinian ruling class. The PA 
leadership has probably registered the heavy price paid by the Palestinians 
during their terrorist campaign at the beginning of the twenty-first century, as 
a result of Israeli countermeasures. 

Moreover, even if the Palestinians miscalculate once again and go for a “third 
Intifada,” Israel’s capability to contain terrorism and other modes of civilian 
struggle is high. The Israeli army can be trusted to meet all challenges 
successfully. Most important, a large majority of Israelis believe that the 
Palestinian demands, such as Jerusalem and the “Right of Return,” are the 
real obstacles to peace. This large consensus about Palestinian intransigence 
allows for significant social mobilization and resilience in protracted conflict. 
Israelis will go once more to war with a feeling of “Ein Breira” (no choice) and 
are likely to win that engagement as well. 

Large parts of the hypocritical world may indeed see Israel as the culprit for 
the failure of the negotiations and for a new round of Israeli-Palestinian 
violence. But such negative attitudes do not necessarily lead to international 
isolation. Public statements and the voting record of states at the UN – an 
ineffective, morally bankrupt organization – are not indicative of the true 
nature of interstate relations. 

National interests dictate state actions, and in most cases bilateral relations 
with Israel are hardly affected by the ups and downs in the peace talks with 
the Palestinians. For example, the rising powers India and China have 
expanded their bilateral ties with Jerusalem because it is in their interest to 
engage a successful state such as Israel. Nowadays, when the Iranian threat 
dominates the region, Arab Sunni states such as Egypt, Jordan, and Saudi 
Arabia, who are exasperated with American behavior, are in the same 
strategic boat as Israel. Generally, the Middle East – especially today, while in 
the throes of a colossal political, social, and economic crisis – is hardly paying 
attention to the Palestinian issue. In the Caucasus and in Central Asia, Muslim 
Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan are friendly to Israel. 

Moreover, isolation of Israel is unlikely because of the large existing 
reservoirs of support for Israel in many quarters. Canada and Australia are 
ruled by governments most responsive to Israeli concerns. Even in Western 
Europe, concerns about Muslim immigration and foreign aid place the 
Palestinians in a problematic spot. Above all, two-thirds of Americans have 
consistently favored Israel over the past two decades, which translates into 
Congressional support. The US is Israel’s most important ally and even the 
Obama administration has maintained the strong support and cooperation in 
the military sphere. 

But the prism of the Obama administration on the Middle East and global 
affairs is fundamentally flawed. An American foreign policy that supports the 
Muslim Brotherhood, estranges its traditional Arab allies such as Egypt and 
Saudi Arabia, allows Iran to get closer to the bomb, sees in Turkey’s Erdoğan
a great friend of the West, and insists that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can 
be ended in nine months is dangerous and does more damage that good. 
Similar complaints about poor US political judgment are abundantly voiced 
by America’s friends in Asian and Eastern European capitals. 

It is the enemies of the US who rejoice in President Barack Obama’s foreign 
policy, and who relish in America’s perceived decline in world affairs. 

Ironically, at this historic juncture, even an isolationist America would be a 
better alternative for those that want the good guys to win. Therefore, dear 
President Obama, please do us a favor: save some money and keep Kerry at 
home. 


Prof. Efraim Inbar, director of the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies, is a 
professor of political studies at Bar-Ilan University and a fellow at the Middle East 
Forum. 

BESA Center Perspectives Papers are published through the generosity 
 of the Greg Rosshandler Family
source

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